Whenever large anti-government protests erupt globally, Việt Nam’s state media is quick to label them “color revolutions.” This rhetoric has filtered into domestic discourse, where even mild dissent is often met with the warning: “Do you want a color revolution?”
Authorities use the term out of wariness, while a segment of the public uses it to smear opponents. Yet both sides share a common anxiety: could the scenarios seen in Georgia, Ukraine, or Kyrgyzstan repeat in Việt Nam? Could a peaceful uprising successfully alter the existing power structure?
Answering such questions requires neither intuition nor speculation. It requires only looking at how color revolutions unfolded in those nations and measuring strictly against the reality of modern Việt Nam to determine which conditions for such an uprising are present and which are missing.
What is a Color Revolution?
Fundamentally, a color revolution is a large-scale, peaceful protest movement aimed at forcing a government to change course or rerun elections, distinct from violent uprisings or military coups.
While the trigger is often a specific event—such as electoral fraud, a corruption scandal, or a controversial political decision—this is merely the “last straw” that causes years of accumulated discontent to erupt.
Once ignited, the movement typically follows a distinct pattern: protests spread across broad segments of society, unified by shared symbols like colors or flowers. The opposition then exerts sustained pressure on authorities through strikes, marches, and media engagement.
The goals of these movements are to end corruption, demand resignations, expand freedoms, and increase transparency. This is why professors Valerie J. Bunce (Cornell University) and Sharon L. Wolchik (George Washington University), in their book Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries, describe these classic cases as deliberate steps in a process of democratic transition. [1]
Requirements for a Successful Color Revolution
Analyzing the upheavals in Georgia (2003), Ukraine (2004), and Kyrgyzstan (2005) reveals that successful color revolutions require a specific convergence of five factors.
The first is widespread social discontent. These factors can include years of economic decline, high unemployment, and widening inequality that creates a baseline of public distrust.
The second factor is a source of political injustice or a catalyst for unrest. This is often suspected electoral fraud, a major corruption scandal, or a political decision that provokes widespread anger.
Third is the presence of groups with sufficient organizational capacity. Spontaneous anger is not enough. The success of a revolution requires disciplined networks of students, labor unions, and civil society groups capable of sustaining long-term protests.
Lastly, we need a relatively open information environment where independent media can challenge the state’s narrative and amplify diverse viewpoints.
None of the above guarantees success without a fracture in the ruling government. A segment of the elite must break away, and coercive forces—the police and military—must hesitate or remain neutral. If the regime remains united and willing to repress, the revolution fails.
Assessing the Conditions in Việt Nam
Examining these factors in the context of Việt Nam reveals a complex picture.
- Social Discontent: Present, but Manageable
Discontent certainly exists in Việt Nam. Rising prices, unaffordable housing, and job insecurity are common grievances. However, society has not fallen into a comprehensive crisis.
The majority of people have not reached a state where they feel they have “nothing left to lose.” Instead, most find ways to cope—changing careers, migrating for work, or simply hoping for improvement. As long as the population believes they can persevere, the all-or-nothing mindset required to drive a revolution remains absent.
- Political Catalyst: Sparks, but No Fire
Regarding the “last straw,” Việt Nam has seen policy decisions that provoked strong public anger. The anti-China demonstrations in 2014 and the protests against the Special Economic Zones Law and the Cybersecurity Law in 2018 are prime examples.
However, these protests were short-lived, spontaneous, and issue-specific. They lacked the political depth to serve as a true catalyst. Unlike the shocks that collapsed trust in other nations, these events reflected social pressure rather than a demand for systemic change. They demonstrate that while Vietnamese society possesses reactive energy, it has not yet encountered a political shock powerful enough to trigger a color revolution.
- Civil Society: Weak, Missing “Skeleton”
Civil society in Việt Nam remains generally weak. This weakness is perhaps the most significant reason why large-scale social reactions fail to evolve into sustained political movements.
Civil society—defined as the organizations operating between the state and the market, such as independent unions, student groups, NGOs, and professional associations—acts as the “skeleton” of a movement. It transforms raw grievance into organized power. In Việt Nam, while discontent may be numerous, numbers do not equal strength. True strength requires the discipline, leadership, and unified goals that only organization can provide.
Color revolutions in other nations relied on this infrastructure to sustain pressure for weeks or months. In contrast, social reactions in Việt Nam are “incident-driven.” When a scandal breaks, energy levels rise sharply, spreading news and drawing people in. However, once the issue fades or authorities adjust their policies, the movement dissipates.
Vietnamese protests lack the organizational capacity to transform this emotion into long-term action, resulting in violent flare-ups that quickly fade away. In the absence of a strong civil society, even a populace with deep discontent and a valid “last straw” struggles to crystallize into a force capable of driving major change.
- Information Environment: No Independent Media
A successful social movement requires a shared “map”—an open information space where multiple sources can counterbalance official narratives and maintain momentum. In Việt Nam, this space is effectively nonexistent.
Because Việt Nam has no independent press, [2] all media outlets operate under strict state control regarding content and tone. Consequently, when social upheaval occurs, there is no alternative media system to report the story from the citizen’s perspective.
A movement without independent media is akin to a crowd marching without a loudspeaker. Lacking a protective voice or a reliable communication channel to counter state narratives, participants are left to understand only fragments of the truth. They act on instinct rather than a coordinated plan. This tightly controlled environment acts as a barrier that prevents spontaneous reactions from coalescing into the systemic movements seen in color revolutions.
- Elite Division: Ruling Power Unity
One must distinguish between internal power struggles and the “elite split” required for a color revolution.
Internal struggles are merely competitions for position within the existing system. A true elite split occurs only when a segment of the ruling structure defects to support a revolutionary movement or, crucially, refuses to suppress it.
In Việt Nam, despite well-known factional differences, there is no indication that any powerful group is willing to side with an external political movement. As long as the ruling elite remains united in facing down social pressure, a successful color revolution is nearly impossible.
Conclusion
Việt Nam currently lacks the core conditions—specifically the elite fracture and organized civil society—necessary for a color revolution to take root.
For such a scenario to become even remotely possible, fundamental changes must occur simultaneously: the rise of a strong civil society, the emergence of independent journalism, and deep, open divisions within the ruling apparatus. Without this convergence, the structural stability of the current system remains firmly intact.
Thúc Kháng wrote this article in Vietnamese and published it in Luật Khoa Magazine on Feb. 06, 2026. Đàm Vĩnh Hằng translated it into English for The Vietnamese Magazine.
- Bunce, V. J., & Wolchik, S. L. (2011). Defeating authoritarian leaders in postcommunist countries. Cambridge University Press. https://api.pageplace.de/preview/DT0400.9781139089357_A24439475/preview-9781139089357_A24439475.pdf
- Thúc Kháng. (2025, December 02). Disputed Flood Death Toll: The Crisis of Trust in Vietnamese State Media. The Vietnamese Magazine. https://thevietnamese.org/2025/12/disputed-flood-death-toll-the-crisis-of-trust-in-vietnamese-state-media/
