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The Mechanics of Near-Universal Voter Turnout in Việt Nam: Understanding Voter Mobilization and Soft Pressure

Thúc Kháng by Thúc Kháng
26 March 2026
Reading Time: 7 mins read
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The Mechanics of Near-Universal Voter Turnout in Việt Nam: Understanding Voter Mobilization and Soft Pressure

Voters line up to cast their ballots in Đống Đa Ward, Hà Nội. Photo: Hoa Thanh / Thời báo Tài chính Việt Nam.

During a conversation regarding elections in Việt Nam, an American friend was particularly intrigued to learn that the official voter turnout for the 2021 National Assembly election was 99.57 percent. 

The American friend was understandably surprised because voter turnout in the United States has never reached such heights, even during highly significant presidential elections.

“Then Vietnamese people must be very enthusiastic about politics,” he concluded.

It is a reasonable assumption; a society where nearly everyone casts a ballot seems to place great importance on voting. 

However, the 99.57 percent figure does not indicate that Vietnamese voters are uniquely eager about elections compared to the rest of the world. Instead, it reflects how elections in Việt Nam are organized, making the act of not voting a rare exception.

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A Legal Framework Designed to Ensure Participation

Assuming that a turnout figure near 100 percent reflects public sentiment is a significant oversight. In political science, “voter turnout”—the proportion of eligible voters who cast ballots—is not solely a measure of political interest. 

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As political scientist André Blais demonstrates in the study “What Affects Voter Turnout?”, this figure is heavily influenced by the design and operation of the electoral system itself, including registration rules, election laws, and voter facilitation. [1]

In many countries, the electoral process is relatively open-ended. Citizens must proactively register and locate their polling stations. If a person forgets or chooses not to attend, they simply abstain from voting.

In Vietnam, the system functions in a completely different manner. The Law on Elections for National Assembly deputies and People’s Council representatives mandates that the state proactively compile and publicly post voter lists for each polling area so citizens can review them. [2] 

Furthermore, mechanisms exist to adjust these lists for those who relocate or temporarily reside elsewhere, and mobile ballot boxes can be deployed for voters who cannot physically reach a polling station. 

From its very legal foundation, the election is structured to minimize the chance that any voter “falls out” of the process.

Soft Pressure

Low voter turnout in many countries does not necessarily equate to political apathy; often, people simply forget the date, struggle to find their polling station, or find the process inconvenient because the logistical burden falls entirely on the individual.

In Việt Nam, however, the dynamic is reversed. Because commune-level People’s Committees compile and publicly post voter lists for each polling area well before election day, voters are integrated into the system by default. 

Their names are recorded, and their polling stations are pre-assigned. With this level of advance preparation, voting ceases to be a purely private decision, and failing to vote is no longer an invisible act.

Because election teams track who has and has not cast a ballot, absent voters are frequently reminded, encouraged, or directly called upon to participate. 

This mobilization is particularly evident in universities, where it is common for schools to mandate student voting and even require confirmation of their participation. [3]

This aligns with findings by political scientist Jun Fang. In a 2020 study published in Electoral Studies, Fang argued that high turnout in tightly controlled political systems does not automatically reflect political enthusiasm. [4] Instead, it is often the product of social pressure from communities and grassroots authorities who mobilize voters.

Viewed through this lens, Việt Nam’s electoral turnout makes perfect sense. The state does not need explicit penalties; it relies on a deep organizational network. When local officials know who hasn’t voted and are close enough to remind them, abstaining becomes socially undesirable. 

Hence, citizens often head to the ballot box out of simple obligation—whether to appease local officials, to blend in with their neighbors, or to avoid the unnecessary complications of staying home.

Ballots are Not Always Cast by the Voters Themselves

Another factor that may partially explain the near-universal turnout in Việt Nam is the persistent issue of proxy voting.

To illustrate, during the recent 2026 National Assembly election, a conversation with an acquaintance highlighted this dynamic. When asked whether he had participated, he replied casually, “No one in my family ever goes. We don’t even know who the candidates are.”

When pressed with the question, “So no one voted at all?” he said, “I think my grandfather gave all our voter cards to the neighborhood head. He requested that the neighborhood head cast our ballots on our behalf.

This experience is far from an isolated case. While a fundamental principle of elections legally prohibits proxy voting and requires each voter to cast their ballot, this rule is loosely enforced in practice.

Many similar accounts surfaced on Vietnamese social media during the recent election. [5] Although such stories are difficult to verify completely, their sheer prevalence suggests that not every ballot recorded in the official statistics is cast directly by the individual named on the voter list. 

Widespread proxy voting further elucidates the consistently reported near-absolute voter turnout in Việt Nam.

The Actual Meaning of the Near-100 Percent Figure 

A near-100 percent voter turnout does not necessarily indicate that Vietnamese people are inherently more enthusiastic about elections or that the entire society is actively engaged in politics. 

Rather, it clearly indicates that Việt Nam operates a mobilizational, tightly structured electoral system that is deeply embedded at the grassroots level.

Within this framework, they prepare voter lists well in advance and quickly notice any absence. The system is highly efficient because local authorities closely monitor participation and can bring ballot boxes directly to voters. 

Furthermore, the entire process occurs in a political environment where voting is treated as a collective duty, a festival, and a universal expectation for every citizen.

As a result, voter turnout in Việt Nam almost always approaches 100 percent because the election is designed and operated to make lower figures virtually impossible. 

This reality, however, raises two crucial questions: why does the government want everyone to vote, and why is this near-universal figure so important? These questions are the subject of another article, Voter Turnout in Việt Nam: A Measure of Legitimacy and State Capacity.


Thúc Kháng wrote this article in Vietnamese and published it in Luật Khoa Magazine on March 16, 2026. Đàm Vĩnh Hằng translated it into English for The Vietnamese Magazine.

1. Blais, A. (2005). WHAT AFFECTS VOTER TURNOUT? Annual Review of Political Science, 9(1), 111–125. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.070204.105121 

2. Thuvienphapluat.Vn. (2026, February 23). Luật Bầu cử đại biểu Quốc hội và đại biểu Hội đồng nhân dân 2015. THƯ VIỆN PHÁP LUẬT. https://thuvienphapluat.vn/van-ban/Bo-may-hanh-chinh/Luat-Bau-cu-dai-bieu-Quoc-hoi-va-dai-bieu-Hoi-dong-nhan-dan-2015-282376.aspx?__cf_chl_rt_tk=ddygj2kBJeLaRANWcRor..06AgbQeM5jtBEEpoVAcsM-1773500775-1.0.1.1-iJhgXglXhWcX3UaEkpTcpjUtlWxhyYIFNEPjFGZeCXI 

3. Hoàng Nam. (2026, March 14). Sinh viên: Đi bầu vì điểm rèn luyện và sợ bị kỷ luật. Luật Khoa Tạp Chí. https://luatkhoa.com/2026/03/sinh-vien-di-bau-vi-diem-ren-luyen-va-so-bi-ky-luat/ 

4. Fang, J., & Hong, J. Y. (2020). Domestic migrants’ responsiveness to electoral mobilization under authoritarianism: Evidence from China’s grassroots elections. Electoral Studies, 66, 102170. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102170 

5. Lê Sáng. (2026, March 15). Người dùng mạng xã hội phản ánh việc bị “định hướng” gạch ai, bầu ai. Luật Khoa Tạp Chí. https://luatkhoa.com/2026/03/nguoi-dung-mang-xa-hoi-phan-anh-viec-bi-dinh-huong-gach-ai-bau-ai/ 


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Thúc Kháng

Thúc Kháng

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