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Voter Turnout in Việt Nam: A Measure of Legitimacy and State Capacity

Thúc Kháng by Thúc Kháng
25 March 2026
Reading Time: 6 mins read
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Voter Turnout in Việt Nam: A Measure of Legitimacy and State Capacity

Graphic: Thiên Tân/Luật Khoa Magazine.

Voter turnout is the most prominently featured statistic during every election season in Việt Nam. 

In the 2021 National Assembly election, the officially announced figure was 99.57 percent. [1] As usual, this number quickly appeared across state media as proof of a “successful election” and of “the people’s trust.”

Voter turnout is emphasized so heavily because, in political systems like the one in Việt Nam, this figure is not merely an electoral statistic; it is a distinct form of political language.

The Most Visible Proof of “Legitimacy”

Every government, whether democratic or authoritarian, requires legitimacy to make its authority appear justified, morally acceptable, and aligned with the prevailing social order. 

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A state cannot rely indefinitely on coercive tools like the police, the military, or prisons. While force may compel temporary compliance, enduring power requires society to recognize that power as reasonable and rightful. 

Hence, a government seeking long-term stability needs recognition just as much as it needs strength.

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In systems with genuinely competitive elections, the results directly derive this legitimacy. The winner of the vote forms the government. 

However, in systems where elections do not determine the actual distribution of power, legitimacy must be engineered through alternative means, the most prominent being the maintenance of exceptionally high voter turnout.

Securing a turnout rate close to 100 percent allows the state to construct a convenient narrative. It signals that the public is not rejecting the system but is instead participating en masse in a state-organized political ritual. 

According to a study titled “Election Turnout in Authoritarian Regimes,” political scientists Ferran Martinez i Coma and Lee Morgenbesser emphasize that authoritarian regimes seek high voter turnout to demonstrate regime legitimacy and project an image of continuous mass support. [2]

This is why low voter turnout presents a deeply uncomfortable issue for these governments. While a low figure does not automatically precipitate a regime’s collapse, it inevitably raises an awkward question: if the election is genuinely a “festival of the entire people,” why are so many people absent?

Voter Turnout as a Monitoring Tool

Describing voter turnout merely as a tool of legitimacy does not tell the complete story, as the figure projects inward just as much as it projects outward. 

A state like Việt Nam requires not only that society perceives its strength but also that its apparatus recognizes it. 

While elections appear to be about voters and ballots from a distance, from within the system, they serve as an opportunity for central authorities to monitor their administrative structure.

According to the same study by Ferran Martinez i Coma and Lee Morgenbesser, central leadership uses turnout figures to evaluate whether local officials are following directives and effectively mobilizing citizens. 

Through this process, the state can “measure” the level of loyalty within a certain province or locality.

An election yielding extremely high turnout demonstrates that the administrative chain—from the center to the provinces, from provinces to communes, and from communes down to neighborhood groups—is functioning seamlessly. 

The logistical demands of an election, such as compiling voter lists, organizing polling stations, mobilizing non-voters, and deploying mobile ballot boxes, do not occur at the central level. These tasks are executed entirely at the grassroots.

For this reason, voter turnout is both a statistic for media consumption and a signal transmitted upward. A high turnout rate in a specific locality suggests that the local administrative apparatus remains intimately connected to the population, maintains territorial control, and retains the capacity for societal mobilization.

Conversely, unusually low turnout shifts the focus away from mere voter apathy and directs scrutiny toward the apparatus itself: Why was mobilization ineffective? Why was organization lacking? Why did people fail to participate? 

In political systems with administrative structures that extend from the center down to the grassroots, like Việt Nam, these figures hold profound practical significance, allowing the government to evaluate the competence and loyalty of its local officials.

In a One-party System, Voter Turnout Supersedes Individual Votes

Elections in Việt Nam differ fundamentally from those in multi-party democracies because election outcomes do not dictate who ultimately holds governing power, even if candidates face a certain degree of competition. 

In a multi-party system, votes have the power to change the government, as the winning party takes control. However, in Việt Nam, the selection and advancement of individuals into key positions of power occur largely within the party apparatus itself, rather than through direct voter decisions.

As a result, the regime often views the overall voter turnout of society as more critical than the vote totals of individual candidates. While a candidate’s vote count only determines that specific individual’s outcome, overall turnout reflects the entire society’s participation in a state-organized political ritual.

A candidate who is able to secure a strong vote share is certainly beneficial news for that person. However, a near-universal voter turnout is a triumph for the system as a whole, as it proves the state retains the capacity to mobilize its citizens for political activities.

***

Within political systems such as the one in Việt Nam, achieving high voter turnout is essential for the state to demonstrate continued societal acceptance, maintain control over its administrative apparatus, and preserve its most important political ritual.

The state perpetually and meticulously cultivates the voter turnout figure for these exact reasons.


Thúc Kháng wrote this article in Vietnamese and published it in Luật Khoa Magazine on March 17, 2026. Đàm Vĩnh Hằng translated it into English for The Vietnamese Magazine.

1. Chiến Thắng. (2021, May 27). Tỷ lệ cử tri đi bầu đạt 99,57 , cuộc bầu cử thành công tốt đẹp. https://www.qdnd.vn. https://www.qdnd.vn/chinh-tri/tin-tuc/ty-le-cu-tri-di-bau-dat-99-57-cuoc-bau-cu-thanh-cong-tot-dep-660825 

2. Coma, F. M. I., & Morgenbesser, L. (2020). Election turnout in authoritarian regimes. Electoral Studies, 68, 102222. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102222 


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Thúc Kháng

Thúc Kháng

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