Key Events
- How One Book Became a Warning to Every Writer in Việt Nam;
- Party Identifies Reclaimed Coastal Land as New Economic Resource;
- Việt Nam Takes Low-Profile Approach to South China Sea Tensions;
- US Tariffs Hit Việt Nam Apparel Exporters Harder Than Regional Rivals;
- The Hidden Environmental Cost of Việt Nam’s Coffee Boom.
Việt Nam Expands Crackdown on Writers Over Historical Narratives
Freedom of expression in Việt Nam is facing a renewed ideological crackdown in which online denunciation campaigns can rapidly expand into censorship, professional punishment, Communist Party discipline, and criminal prosecution.
Two recent cases involving writers Nguyễn Thành Nam and Hà Thủy Nguyên show how interpretations of history—particularly portrayals of Hồ Chí Minh and other Communist Party leaders—are being treated not merely as subjects of public debate but as potential threats demanding state intervention.
The most consequential case began with “Chuyện với Thanh,” a book by Nguyễn Thành Nam structured as a dialogue between a history teacher and a disengaged Generation Z student. The book recounts the time Nguyễn Tất Thành spent abroad before he became known as Hồ Chí Minh.
Beginning in June, social media figures accused the work of “rewriting history,” insulting Hồ Chí Minh and offending the Vietnamese nation. The Writers’ Association Publishing House apologized, stopped distribution, and recalled the book on June 10.
Five days later, the authorities suspended the publisher for two months and fined it 100 million đồng (US$3,802) for publishing what they described as “very serious false content.”
The response soon moved far beyond withdrawing a controversial book. Police arrested author Nguyễn Thành Nam and Trần Việt Anh, director of Spiderum, which had promoted the publication.
The authorities later arrested publishing house director Nguyễn Thúy Hằng, editor-in-chief Đào Bá Đoàn, and editorial department head Nguyễn Văn Yên. All five were accused under Article 117 of the Penal Code of producing, storing, or disseminating materials intended to oppose the state.
The authorities also penalized 23 media outlets and disciplined more than 30 people for publishing favorable coverage of the book.
On July 30, the Communist Party’s Central Inspection Commission removed Nguyễn Quang Thiều, chair of the Việt Nam Writers’ Association, from all party positions. It accused the association and the publishing house’s party cell of weak leadership and inadequate ideological supervision.
The Communist Party expelled the three detained publishing officials, while the Writers’ Association Party Committee and the publisher’s party cell received formal warnings.
The campaign has now widened to include Hà Thủy Nguyên, a writer, screenwriter, and cultural researcher, whose fantasy story “Thần quỷ ở Hà Nội” incorporates Hồ Chí Minh into a fictional supernatural narrative.
In late July, prominent social media accounts and pro-government pages demanded that the authorities investigate and punish Hà Thủy Nguyên, accusing her of insulting Hồ Chí Minh and late General Secretary Nguyễn Phú Trọng.
Some also called for authorities to remove Nguyên’s work—and writing by authors such as Bảo Ninh (a Vietnamese novelist and former soldier best known for The Sorrow of War, a haunting account of the human cost of the Việt Nam War)—from school textbooks because of their alleged “reactionary” views.
No government agency had announced formal action against Hà Thủy Nguyên as of Aug. 2. However, her Facebook page had disappeared or had been deactivated, her personal website displayed a suspension notice, and Book Hunter, the intellectual community she founded, had moved to a different domain after its previous website was suspended.
Together, these cases illustrate an expanding system of ideological enforcement. The apparent lesson for writers, editors, academics, and journalists is stark: publishing an unconventional interpretation of history can endanger not only the author but also everyone involved in editing, promoting, reviewing, or institutionally approving the work.
In this environment, the most powerful form of censorship may be anticipatory—the decision not to write, publish, or discuss something because the possible consequences now extend from online vilification to imprisonment.
Communist Party Calls Reclaimed Coastal Land New Development Resource
The Communist Party of Việt Nam has directed the authorities to treat reclaimed coastal areas as a new source of economic development, signaling stronger political support for projects that create land by filling in portions of the sea, Luật Khoa Magazine reports.
The policy appears in Resolution No. 21, issued by the Communist Party Central Committee on July 28. The resolution sets out the party’s positions and directions for revising the Land Law and other related legislation.
It calls for the effective management and exploitation of underground space and areas created through land reclamation, describing them as a “new development resource” for local governments.
The Central Committee also instructed lawmakers to establish additional rules governing land used for elevated structures, underground construction, and newly formed areas resulting from coastal reclamation.
These provisions are expected to shape future amendments to the Land Law and determine how reclaimed land may be planned, allocated, developed, and regulated.
Central Committee resolutions are among the Communist Party’s most consequential policy documents. Because Việt Nam is governed under a one-party system, such resolutions serve as political directives for state agencies and frequently provide the foundation for subsequent legislation and government policy.
Resolution No. 21 is therefore likely to guide the coming revision of land laws and the legal framework surrounding coastal development.
The directive comes as several large reclamation proposals are underway or under consideration across Việt Nam. Vingroup’s Vinhomes Green Paradise project in Cần Giờ, part of Hồ Chí Minh City, covers about 2,870 hectares, including approximately 1,357 hectares of reclaimed land. Construction began in April 2025.
Other plans include a proposed 1,500-hectare coastal urban development in Đà Nẵng and the Trần Đề–Cù Lao Dung project, proposed by the Xuân Thiện Group in Cần Thơ. The latter has been described as covering as much as 132,600 hectares, although it remains at the proposal stage. Hải Phòng is also pursuing plans to expand its natural land area by 5,600 hectares by 2030 and 7,400 hectares by 2050.
By formally identifying reclaimed coastal space as an economic resource, the party is positioning land reclamation as part of Việt Nam’s long-term development strategy. The forthcoming legal changes will be important in determining who may control newly created land, how projects are approved, and what environmental and planning requirements developers must meet.
Việt Nam Is Quiet About China — but Not Backing Down
Việt Nam’s decision not to join an international statement supporting the landmark 2016 South China Sea arbitration ruling does not signal acquiescence to China but reflects Hà Nội’s strategy of public restraint combined with quieter diplomatic, legal, and military action, according to an analysis by Huynh Trung Dung of the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute.
On July 11, 14 countries, including the United States, Japan, and the Philippines, marked the ruling’s 10th anniversary by declaring it final and legally binding and rejecting China’s claims to historic rights across much of the South China Sea.
The European Union issued a separate statement supporting the decision. Việt Nam did not join the joint declaration, even though China’s expansive maritime claims directly affected it. The Philippines was the only ASEAN member to sign it.
The analysis attributes Việt Nam’s absence partly to its “Four No’s” defense policy: no military alliances, no foreign military bases, no alignment with one country against another, and no use or threat of force. That position is part of Hà Nội’s broader “bamboo diplomacy,” which seeks to maintain relationships with competing powers rather than join coordinated campaigns against any one country.
Economic considerations also shape the government’s approach. Việt Nam has set ambitious targets, including double-digit annual economic growth beginning in 2026, upper-middle-income status by 2030, and developed-country status by 2045.
China remains Việt Nam’s largest trading partner, its second-largest export market, and an important source of infrastructure cooperation. Publicly confronting Beijing alongside Western and regional powers could therefore carry high economic and political costs.
Yet Việt Nam has not remained passive. Hà Nội has challenged Chinese vessels when they enter its exclusive economic zone, obstruct oil exploration, or threaten Vietnamese-held positions in the Spratly Islands.
It has also strengthened its legal case by filing objections to China’s claims at the United Nations, asserting its rights under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and preparing the foundation for possible future litigation.
On the anniversary of the arbitration ruling, Việt Nam released its statement reaffirming UNCLOS rather than joining the multinational declaration.
Việt Nam has also accelerated land reclamation and infrastructure construction on its occupied Spratly features while expanding defense cooperation with the United States, Japan, India, and the Philippines.
These measures suggest a “speak less, do more” strategy: avoiding highly visible confrontation while steadily strengthening Việt Nam’s ability to resist China’s maritime pressure through law, diplomacy, and a more substantial physical presence at sea.
New US Tariffs Put Việt Nam Apparel Exporters at Competitive Disadvantage
Việt Nam’s apparel industry faces higher US tariffs than several of its main Asian competitors under the Trump administration’s latest trade measures, potentially disrupting supply chains for major clothing and footwear brands that rely heavily on Vietnamese factories.
The Office of the US Trade Representative imposed new Section 301 tariffs of either 10% or 12.5% on imports from 60 trading partners, effective July 24. The administration said the measures respond to countries’ failure to adopt and enforce bans on importing goods produced with forced labor.
Việt Nam falls under the higher 12.5% rate, while Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Malaysia face 10% tariffs after making relevant commitments through trade agreements with Washington.
The difference is particularly significant for textiles and clothing. Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Malaysia are also eligible for a planned three-year tariff-rate quota mechanism intended to encourage them to purchase US cotton and textile inputs.
Under the program, a portion of qualifying apparel exports could enter the United States with reduced or no additional Section 301 tariff, depending on the exporting country’s purchases of American materials. Việt Nam was not included in the mechanism.
SGB Media Online described the arrangement as a “double hit” for Việt Nam: its exports face the higher tariff while competing production centers may eventually receive exemptions. The publication said the policy could weaken Việt Nam’s position as the region’s leading apparel manufacturing hub and may be intended to pressure Hà Nội to conclude a reciprocal trade agreement with Washington.
Việt Nam surpassed China in 2025 to become the largest apparel exporter to the United States, benefiting from low production costs and the movement of manufacturing away from China during President Donald Trump’s first administration. Some Chinese manufacturers relocated production by constructing or acquiring factories in Việt Nam and other Southeast Asian countries.
The new tariff structure could affect companies including Nike, Gap, Ralph Lauren, and Under Armour, all of which have substantial sourcing or manufacturing operations in Việt Nam. None immediately commented on the tariff decision, according to Reuters.
Apparel companies may respond by negotiating lower prices from suppliers, absorbing part of the additional cost, raising US retail prices, or shifting future orders toward countries eligible for the lower duties and textile exemptions. For Việt Nam, the central risk is not only the immediate 12.5% charge but also the possibility that competitors could gain a lasting cost advantage in one of its most important export industries.
How Deforestation Built Việt Nam’s Coffee Industry — and Now Threatens It
Việt Nam’s rapid rise as a global coffee producer was built partly on decades of forest clearing in the Central Highlands, leaving the industry increasingly vulnerable to soil degradation, water shortages, and climate change, according to an investigation reported by Mongabay.
The investigation by Coffee Watch, a Berlin-based watchdog organization, analyzed satellite imagery and government records to examine the environmental consequences of coffee cultivation.
It found that tropical forest cover in the Central Highlands fell from 42.8% in 1990 to 19% in 2020. The region produces about 95% of Việt Nam’s coffee, making the decline closely connected to the country’s emergence as a major exporter.
Việt Nam is now the world’s second-largest coffee producer and supplies nearly 40% of global robusta coffee exports. Robusta, which is generally more heat-tolerant than arabica, is widely used in instant coffee and espresso blends.
Forest loss in the Central Highlands was most rapid between 1995 and 2010 before stabilizing at low levels during the 2020s, the report found. Much of the region’s remaining tropical moist forest grows in protected areas or on steep, remote terrain that is less accessible to farming.
Coffee Watch said government policies and international development financing historically encouraged the expansion of coffee plantations. Although the industry generated export earnings and rural livelihoods, converting forests into intensive monoculture farms fragmented wildlife habitats, accelerated erosion, and depleted soil nutrients. Farmers have consequently become more dependent on fertilizer to maintain production on exhausted land.
Deforestation has also disrupted water flows and groundwater recharge while reducing soil moisture, carbon storage, and natural protection from agricultural pests. Combined with rising temperatures and increasingly irregular rainfall, these environmental changes could make half of Việt Nam’s robusta-growing region unsuitable for coffee cultivation, the investigation warned.
Lý Thị Minh Hải, Việt Nam country director for the environmental nonprofit RECOFTC, told Mongabay that coffee expansion had historically been a major cause of forest loss in parts of the Central Highlands. However, she said the sector is increasingly focused on improving existing plantations rather than expanding into natural forests.
Proposed solutions include replacing aging coffee plants, incorporating shade trees and other crops, using water more efficiently, and adopting regenerative farming methods. Securing land and forest rights for local communities could also help prevent further encroachment. The findings suggest that Việt Nam’s coffee industry must now shift from expanding cultivated land to restoring productivity and resilience within the landscapes it already occupies.
Quick Takes:
USS George Washington Visits Việt Nam
The nuclear-powered USS George Washington arrived in Đà Nẵng on July 30 for a five-day visit, underscoring deepening defense ties between Việt Nam and the United States. It is the fourth U.S. aircraft carrier to visit Việt Nam since the war ended and the first since the USS Ronald Reagan’s 2023 port call. The carrier was accompanied by the cruiser USS Robert Smalls and the destroyer USS Shoup. Both governments framed the visit as support for bilateral cooperation and a free, open Indo-Pacific, following recent talks on defense trade, information sharing, and addressing wartime legacies amid continuing regional maritime security tensions.
Sick Political Prisoners in Việt Nam Can’t Get the Care They Need
Human Rights Watch is urging Việt Nam to release Cấn Thị Thêu and ailing political prisoners after reports of untreated illnesses at Prison No. 5.
Thêu, 64, is serving eight years for peaceful activism and recently suffered acute abdominal pain and fever, but prison staff reportedly gave her only painkillers. Other prisoners, including Trần Đức Thạch, Nguyễn Năng Tĩnh, and Phan Văn Bách, are experiencing health problems and limited access to outside care. HRW says Việt Nam’s trade partners and donors should press authorities to free them and ensure adequate medical treatment, citing international standards requiring prompt care for prisoners.
Generations of Vietnamese in Cambodia Still Have No Country
Thousands of ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia remain stateless or at risk of statelessness despite generations of residence, leaving many unable to access education, health care, civil registration, passports, and freedom of movement. A 2019 census counted 78,090 Vietnamese-language speakers, while civil society groups estimate the ethnic Vietnamese population at 400,000 to 700,000. Anti-Vietnamese prejudice, shifting naturalization rules, and limited access to birth documents deepen their exclusion. Many live in poverty in floating communities around Tonle Sap. Advocates urge Cambodia to recognize long-term residents as citizens and replace hostility with policies based on inclusion, legal security, and equal rights for all.
Tô Lâm’s Australia Visit Doesn’t Mean Việt Nam Is Picking a Side
Tô Lâm’s expected first visit to Australia highlights Việt Nam’s strategy of strengthening ties without choosing between Washington and Beijing. Australia and Việt Nam upgraded relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2024, while trade surpassed $30 billion in 2025. Yet their security outlooks differ: Canberra relies on its US alliance and AUKUS, while Hà Nội rejects military alliances and prioritizes strategic autonomy, including its crucial relationship with China. The Lowy Institute argues both middle powers are drawing closer because of uncertainty about US reliability and intensifying US-China rivalry, making bilateral cooperation an increasingly important hedge against regional geopolitical instability.
US Inspects China-Linked Factories in Việt Nam, Report Says
U.S. customs officials inspected China-linked factories in Việt Nam, Bloomberg News reported, citing people familiar with the matter. Inspectors reviewed documents, raw-material sources, and production processes to determine how much value they added before exporting the goods to the United States. They also examined possible software intellectual-property violations. The checks fueled concern that Washington could broaden or raise tariffs on Vietnamese exports. Bloomberg said, however, there was no significant evidence that Chinese goods were being illegally routed through Việt Nam to evade U.S. duties. Reuters could not independently verify the report, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection did not comment.
