15 Years Later: Remembering the 2011 Anti-China Protests in Việt Nam

In June 2026, hundreds of thousands of residents along the banks of the Red River are living with fears of losing their land and homes because of the Red River Landscape Boulevard Project.  

Petitions, open letters, and pleas for help have appeared continuously. [1] [2] [3] Red banners have been hung throughout villages and neighborhoods. [4] Some residents have even worn matching shirts bearing slogans as they gathered at communal houses and temples to pray for peace and security. [5]

Yet, even as those fears are visible on every face, the word “protest” remains something distant and is treated as taboo. [6]

Fifteen years earlier, in June 2011, a vastly different summer unfolded. Thousands of people carried banners and placards into the streets to defend the country’s sovereignty for 11 consecutive weeks. 

That flaming summer was more than just a series of demonstrations against China’s violations of Việt Nam’s sovereignty; it was a rare moment when ordinary citizens stepped out of silence to pursue shared goals 

Today, in a society where the word “protest” is often avoided, the 2011 anti-China protest movement deserves to be revisited so that its memory can inspire those who wish to speak out about national concerns and the suffering of their fellow citizens. [7]

Background

May 26, 2011: Chinese maritime surveillance vessels cut the cables of the Bình Minh 02, a PetroVietnam (PVN) survey ship, while it operated within Việt Nam’s exclusive economic zone. [8] [9] 

• At approximately 5 a.m., three Chinese ships approached without warning, severing roughly 7 kilometers of the vessel’s seismic survey cable and telling the Vietnamese crew they were allegedly violating Chinese sovereignty. 
• By 9 a.m., the Chinese vessels departed waters under Vietnamese jurisdiction. The Bình Minh 02 was forced to suspend survey operations to repair the damaged equipment on site before resuming normal operations at approximately 6 a.m. the next day.

Đỗ Văn Hậu, deputy general director of PVN, said that the incident occurred while the Bình Minh 02 was conducting oil and gas exploration activities in Block 148, offshore from Khánh Hòa Province, about 120 nautical miles from Cape Đại Lãnh (formerly in Phú Yên Province, now part of Đắk Lắk Province). [10]

May 27, 2011: Following a report from PVN, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Nguyễn Phương Nga declared that the actions of the Chinese vessels had “seriously violated Việt Nam’s sovereign rights and jurisdiction over its continental shelf and exclusive economic zone,” in addition to violating international agreements and declarations. [11] 

Việt Nam demanded that China cease such actions, refrain from repeating them, and provide compensation for the damages. 

Nga noted that on the morning of May 27, representatives from Việt Nam’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs met with Chinese Embassy officials in Hà Nội to deliver a formal diplomatic protest and request compensation.

May 28, 2011: China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Jiang Yu, countered that Chinese maritime surveillance ships had merely conducted monitoring and law-enforcement activities within waters administered by China. [12] 

She alleged that Vietnamese vessels had engaged in illegal oil and gas exploration, thereby harming China’s administrative rights and interests. In response, Nguyễn Phương Nga rejected the claims, arguing that “China’s actions are further complicating the situation in the South China Sea.” 

On the same day, Professor Carl Thayer, a Việt Nam specialist at the Australian Defence Force Academy, informed the Financial Times that the incident marked an escalation in China’s aggressive behavior toward Việt Nam. [13] 

Timeline of Events: 11 Protests in 11 Weeks

Following the incident, a wave of anger quickly spread across the Internet. As statements condemning China and calls for demonstrations circulated on Facebook, blogs, and text messages, this digital outrage rapidly transformed into physical street protests involving thousands of patriotic citizens. [14]

June 2011

June 5: The First Protest

The initial demonstrations against China’s violations of Vietnamese territory occurred in Hà Nội and Hồ Chí Minh City, drawing thousands of participants, the majority of whom were young people. [15] [16]

In Hà Nội, around 400 individuals gathered outside the Chinese Embassy to demand that China stay out of waters belonging to Việt Nam. [17] According to participants interviewed by VOA, RFI, and RFA, crowds began assembling near Lenin Park at around 8 a.m. [19] [20] [21] By 8:30 a.m., hundreds of security forces used ropes and barricades to push them out of the park. 

The protesters temporarily split; one large group headed toward Hoàn Kiếm Lake, while another marched along Trần Phú Street toward Tràng Thi Street before the two factions reunited at the Chinese Embassy at 9 a.m.

Meanwhile, in Hồ Chí Minh City, participation was reportedly five times larger. [18] Several hundred demonstrators convened outside the Chinese Consulate. [22] Most marched along roads leading to the consulate and past prominent landmarks such as Notre Dame Cathedral, Bến Thành Market, and Tao Đàn Park. 

The crowds included well-known intellectuals and cultural figures, such as Professor Tương Lai, South China Sea researcher Nguyễn Đình Đầu, activist Hồ Cương Quyết (André Menras), poet Nguyễn Duy, poet Đỗ Trung Quân, and writer Nguyễn Viện.

Across both cities, protesters sang patriotic songs, carried Vietnamese flags, and displayed multilingual banners with slogans such as “Oppose Chinese aggression,” “Trường Sa and Hoàng Sa belong to Việt Nam,” and “Oppose the illegal nine-dash line.” 

Participants noted that no arrests were made during the marches; police primarily focused on blocking specific roads and restricting access to Chinese diplomatic facilities.

The Hà Nội protest concluded around noon, and the Hồ Chí Minh City demonstration dispersed at approximately 1:30 p.m. Throughout the day, state-controlled media remained entirely silent, leaving only Vietnamese-language media outlets operating abroad, such as BBC, RFA, RFI, and VOA, to report on the events.

June 9

A mere two weeks after the first cable-cutting incident, a Chinese fishing vessel, backed by two Chinese fisheries patrol ships, severed the cable of PVN’s Viking 2 survey vessel. [23] This incident took place while the Viking 2 conducted seismic surveys in Block 136.03 on the continental shelf of Việt Nam.

In response, Nguyễn Phương Nga declared that the actions of the Chinese vessels were “entirely deliberate, carefully calculated, and prepared” and that they had “seriously violated Việt Nam’s sovereign rights and national jurisdiction.” She reiterated demands for China to cease violating Vietnamese sovereignty and to compensate PVN for the damages. 

Representatives from Việt Nam’s Foreign Ministry subsequently met with officials from the Chinese Embassy in Hà Nội to formally protest the incident.

However, that evening, China’s Foreign Ministry retaliated by accusing Việt Nam of “seriously violating” Chinese sovereignty and creating a “grave danger” for Chinese fishermen. [24] 

Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hong Lei alleged that China “was the victim in the latest confrontation” and accused Việt Nam of violating Chinese claims in the South China Sea.

June 10–11

According to RFA, on June 10, 2011, the Vietnamese government issued instructions to editors of state newspapers to avoid further inflaming tensions between China and Việt Nam. [25] 

Despite this, at 6 p.m. on June 11, the PVN publication PetroTimes released an article reporting that Chinese vessels continued to shadow its ships. By 6:45 p.m., the article was removed following an urgent directive from the Communist Party leadership, which argued that the situation must not be further aggravated.

June 12: The Second Protest

One week after the initial demonstrations, citizens in Hà Nội and Hồ Chí Minh City once again took to the streets to protest China’s latest actions. [26] 

In Hà Nội, Reuters reported that approximately 100 protesters gathered in the park outside the Chinese Embassy. [27] 

Echoing the previous week, participants sang patriotic songs and chanted slogans such as “Down with China,” “The Spratly and Paracel Islands belong to Việt Nam,” and demands for China to comply with the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC). Upon being ordered to leave by the police, the demonstrators simply marched toward the city center and around Hoàn Kiếm Lake.

Meanwhile, Hồ Chí Minh City saw a larger protest, with demonstrators marching through central districts and past various diplomatic missions, including the Chinese Consulate. 

This time, however, authorities heavily deployed riot police and plainclothes officers around Chinese diplomatic facilities and anticipated gathering spots. The police escalated their response by utilizing batons, police vans, and preventive detentions, specifically targeting individuals who had participated in earlier demonstrations.

A blogger told RFA that “no one dared raise a flag or a banner because the moment they tried, plainclothes police would jump in and arrest them.” [28] 

Another participant reported that plainclothes security officers dragged him aside for questioning and confiscated his anti-China leaflets before eventually releasing him. 

To further suppress spontaneous protest activity, plainclothes officers detained several prominent figures, including writer Nguyễn Viện, researcher Đinh Kim Phúc, and blogger Thành Nguyễn. 

Simultaneously, educational institutions such as Hồ Chí Minh City University of Industry issued notices threatening to expel any students who joined the anti-China demonstrations. [29]

June 19 – The Third Protest

Exactly one week after the previous demonstration, Vietnamese citizens once again took to the streets to protest China’s violations of Việt Nam’s sovereignty. [30] 

According to RFA, the atmosphere in Hà Nội was noticeably more energized than during the prior two demonstrations. The crowd included numerous intellectuals and public figures, notably Dr. Nguyễn Quang A, Associate Professor Ngô Đức Thọ, Dr. Phạm Hồng Sơn, and lawyer Nguyễn Thị Dương Hà, wife of Dr. Cù Huy Hà Vũ. [31] 

Starting around 8:30 a.m., more than 100 people gathered outside the Chinese Embassy to chant familiar slogans condemning China. After approximately 40 minutes, security forces forced the crowd to leave, stating that the authorities had heard their concerns and arguing that public gatherings could further “complicate” the government’s diplomatic efforts. 

The protesters then marched along several major streets in Hà Nội, gathering more participants as they proceeded.

In Hồ Chí Minh City, however, demonstrators faced formidable obstacles due to heavy deployments of security personnel and plainclothes police equipped with signal-jamming vehicles. [32] 

To disrupt the mobilization, authorities ordered the closure of common gathering spots, such as cafés and parking lots. Furthermore, individuals identified as potential organizers or catalysts were either detained or placed under house arrest by security forces stationed outside their residences. 

Several blogs reported that similar calls for anti-China demonstrations had emerged in cities such as Vinh and Đà Nẵng, though strict police controls caused those protests to fail before they could materialize. [33]

June 25

In a display of international solidarity, approximately 200 Vietnamese residents and workers in Japan marched through the streets of Tokyo. They carried Vietnamese flags and banners to protest China’s ongoing actions in the South China Sea. [34]

June 26 – The Fourth Protest

Following three consecutive Sundays of protests, anti-China demonstrations persisted in Hà Nội and Hồ Chí Minh City. According to RFI, approximately 100 people marched around Hoàn Kiếm Lake in Hà Nội, where security personnel once again outnumbered the protesters. [35] 

When police attempted to disperse the gathering, they encountered resistance and were forced to follow the demonstrators closely instead. While authorities did not completely halt the march, they successfully blocked all routes leading to the Chinese Embassy.

Nguyễn Xuân Diện, a key figure in the movement, reported the closure of the Highlands Coffee café near the Hà Nội Flag Tower, which had served as a regular gathering place for protesters. [36] 

Furthermore, additional youth volunteers were deployed around the Chinese Embassy area. A friend of Diện observed: “The youth volunteers did not tuck in their shirts, did not wear helmets while riding motorcycles, and smoked cigarettes while approaching cafés around the Chinese Embassy.” 

Diện noted that the Hà Nội protesters—mostly young people and students—deliberately marched in the opposite direction from previous weeks. This tactic forced accompanying traffic police vehicles to travel against the flow of traffic just to keep pace.

In Hồ Chí Minh City, security forces took aggressive measures to prevent any protests from forming. One young person who intended to participate described the situation: 

“Around the Chinese Consulate, security forces were everywhere. They also deployed personnel around the Municipal Theatre, Bến Thành Market, and even Tao Đàn Park. The protest was supposed to happen based on online calls rather than any organized leadership, so people were waiting for someone to initiate it. This time, nobody did. Just like the previous week, all cafés around Diamond Plaza and Turtle Lake were closed.” [37] 

Despite the crackdown in major urban centers, the movement expanded to other provinces, including Bà Rịa–Vũng Tàu. [38] Outside a local shopping center, young people, intellectuals, and artists gathered with banners to condemn China’s actions and affirm Việt Nam’s sovereignty over the Hoàng Sa and Trường Sa archipelagos.

That same day, a document titled “Declaration on the Chinese Authorities’ Continued Aggressive Actions Violating Việt Nam’s Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity in the South China Sea” gained wide circulation online. [39] 

Drafted by influential intellectuals in Hồ Chí Minh City on June 25, the declaration gathered nearly 100 signatures within a single day. Signatories included intellectuals, revolutionary veterans, and former government officials living both inside and outside the country. 

The document called on the Communist Party, state agencies, and socio-political organizations to take stronger measures against China’s territorial encroachments, while also urging authorities to stop obstructing peaceful demonstrations.

Coinciding with these events on June 26, Việt Nam and China released messages supporting peaceful negotiations following a June 25 meeting between Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Hồ Xuân Sơn and Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo. State media, however, omitted any details regarding the substance of those discussions or a specific roadmap for resolving the disputes. [40] 

Despite these diplomatic statements, public opposition only continued to grow.

July 2011

July 3 – The Fifth Protest

During the fifth protest, police once again erected barricades near the Chinese Embassy in Hà Nội and ordered demonstrators to disperse. [41] 

According to Dr. Nguyễn Xuân Diện, authorities introduced a new preventive measure that day. Outside the previously closed café near the Flag Tower, police installed a sign prohibiting photography and filming, alongside a thick rope stretched across the road. [42] 

“The rope was made of white nylon and looked brand new. It was clearly intended to be raised quickly whenever authorities wanted to block passage,” Diện wrote.

Starting around 8:30 a.m., protesters in Hà Nội—including familiar intellectual figures such as Nguyễn Quang A and Ngô Đức Thọ—began gathering outside the Military History Museum. There, participants chanted anti-China slogans, affirmed Vietnamese sovereignty, and sang the national anthem. Simultaneously, police broadcast repeated announcements ordering the crowd to disperse and blocked them from crossing into Lenin Park.

Shortly after 9 a.m., the crowd began to march toward the center of Hà Nội. By 10 a.m., they arrived at the Hà Nội Opera House, joining a larger gathering of intellectuals and public figures while a violinist played a patriotic composition. 

A young participant then stepped forward to read aloud the declaration that had initially circulated on June 26. [43] 

Police immediately moved to suppress the gathering, detaining several individuals as protesters shouted: “We oppose police arresting patriots!” and “Release the patriots! Release them!”

Following their forceful dispersal from the Opera House, the demonstrators marched toward Hoàn Kiếm Lake. When the two individuals who had read the declaration were arrested near the Tràng Tiền Ward police station, the protesters surrounded the building. They chanted demands for the release of the detainees for nearly five minutes until the police ultimately let the individuals go.

The march continued, swelling to approximately 200 participants who continued to chant slogans and sing patriotic songs. Around 11:20 a.m., the crowd stopped at the monument honoring those who “Resolved to Die for the Nation to Live.” They sang together, agreed to reconvene the following week, and lingered to exchange views and offer mutual encouragement.

Meanwhile, in Hồ Chí Minh City, strict security controls once again prevented any protests from materializing. Speaking to RFI, Dr. Nguyễn Quang A described the suffocating environment in the southern city: “After the first protest on June 5, 2011, which attracted a very large number of participants, it has not been possible to organize another march. Uniformed police and plainclothes security personnel have used numerous measures to prevent them.” [44] 

He additionally reported that the declaration drafted on June 25 had officially accumulated 1,156 signatures. [45]

July 10 – The Sixth Protest

During the sixth protest, authorities intensified their crackdown on demonstrators. 

According to VOA, plainclothes security personnel moved swiftly to disperse the crowds as soon as they appeared near the Chinese Embassy, detaining dozens of individuals in the process. [46] 

Among those detained were a mother accompanying her five-year-old son and several journalists from foreign media outlets who were filming the demonstration. This included Đinh Hậu of the Associated Press (AP) and two Vietnamese journalists working for Japan’s NHK television network and the Asahi Shimbun newspaper. 

While most detainees were released after around three hours of questioning, the authorities confiscated their mobile phones and cameras for further investigation.

July 11

These aggressive tactics drew immediate international criticism. The human rights organization Human Rights Watch (HRW) condemned the Vietnamese government for suppressing and detaining peaceful anti-China protesters during the July 10 events. [47] 

Speaking to VOA, Phil Robertson, HRW’s deputy Asia director, stated:

“This change is deeply concerning. During previous weeks, similar anti-China protests had been allowed to proceed. These were peaceful demonstrations in which people were simply exercising their rights to assemble and express their views regarding China’s encroachments. The protesters did nothing to disrupt public order. Therefore, the authorities’ arrests were wrong and constituted a violation of human rights.”

On the same day, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) released a statement demanding that Vietnamese authorities “end harassment of journalists covering public protests in Việt Nam.” [48] 

Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior representative for Southeast Asia, declared: 

“Journalists are not pawns to be used in Việt Nam’s dealings with China.” 

He further argued that Việt Nam must allow free reporting on the demonstrations and release four bloggers who had been imprisoned for publishing content critical of China or the government’s policy regarding China.

July 17 – The Seventh Protest

By the seventh protest, authorities had escalated their suppression measures even further. According to RFA, no protest activity emerged in Hồ Chí Minh City. [49] 

In Hà Nội, however, blogger Người Buôn Gió reported that police had blocked roads starting in the early morning, even as cafés around the protest area remained crowded with participants.

Nguyễn Xuân Diện stated that at approximately 8:45 a.m., police began loading dozens of people—including women and children—onto buses while protesters continued moving toward cafés near the Flag Tower. 

Shortly after 9 a.m., authorities began openly arresting demonstrators. 

“More than thirty people have already been loaded onto buses and taken somewhere outside the city, though nobody knows where. The demonstration has been blocked and pushed out of Lenin Park. At this moment, mobile police are forcing protesters toward 24 Điện Biên Phủ Street, near the office of lawyer Cù Huy Hà Vũ,” Diện reported.

Professor Phạm Duy Hiển also observed that security forces acted aggressively, stating: 

“The mobile police were very rough. Even though I had an injured leg, they insisted on pushing us away. Until this moment, no real demonstration had formed, as there were still no flags or banners.

Furthermore, a journalist in Hà Nội told BBC Vietnamese that police struck a 16-year-old boy in the face, causing him to bleed. [50] 

Another protester reported being detained and beaten prior to his release. 

Soon afterward, a video spread widely online showing a plainclothes police officer kicking a protester in the face and dragging him onto a bus. [51] 

Nguyễn Tường Thụy, a former military officer who was on the same bus, confirmed the incident: 

“The young man was thrown onto the bus and lay unconscious. I was already on the bus when it happened. After some time, he was finally able to stand up.” 

The man was later identified as Nguyễn Chí Đức. [52] 

The officer accused of using violence was identified as Phạm Hải Minh, a captain serving with the Hoàn Kiếm District Police Department.

July 19

Seeking accountability for the violence of July 17, a group of protesters submitted a formal complaint to Hà Nội Police Director Nguyễn Đức Nhanh. [53] 

The document accused the Hà Nội police of illegally detaining at least 46 protesters. Furthermore, it demanded explicit clarification regarding the viral video footage that showed an assault occurring aboard a police bus, asking:

“Was this brutal repression carried out under orders from the leadership of Hà Nội Police?”

and

“If this was an unauthorized act by security personnel, what disciplinary measures will police leadership take against the officer involved?”

The complaint concluded with a stern warning: 

“If Hà Nội Police continue to brutally suppress and unlawfully detain peaceful protesters opposing China’s aggression in the South China Sea, we will seek accountability from the leadership of Hà Nội Police.”

July 23

As the next weekend approached, authorities attempted preemptive intimidation. 

Dr. Nguyễn Quang A reported that local police officers and neighborhood representatives visited his home, urging his wife to persuade him to stop attending the demonstrations. [54] 

Undeterred, he directly explained his views to the officers and affirmed that he would continue his participation.

July 24 – The Eighth Protest

Entering its eighth week, the anti-China movement successfully drew hundreds of participants in Hà Nội. [55]

The crowd included numerous prominent intellectuals and public figures, such as Nguyễn Quang A, Phạm Duy Hiển, Ngô Đức Thọ, Phạm Xuân Nguyên, Trần Nhương, Vũ Ngọc Tiến, Nguyễn Xuân Diện, and Nguyễn Quang Thạch. 

Notably, many parents actively encouraged their children to join the gathering, defying the official warnings issued by various educational institutions.

Demonstrators carried banners urging the newly elected National Assembly to adopt a proper response to the South China Sea crisis. They additionally called for the official commemoration of Republic of Vietnam soldiers and Vietnamese Navy members who perished during the naval battles of Hoàng Sa in 1974 and Trường Sa in 1988. 

In a direct response to the police brutality of the previous week, the crowd also chanted slogans outside the Hoàn Kiếm District Police headquarters.

According to BBC News, the protest avoided state suppression because the participants maintained a strategic distance from the Chinese Embassy and instead concentrated their presence around Hoàn Kiếm Lake. [56] 

RFA noted that the protesters deliberately changed their gathering location to evade a harsh police crackdown. [57] 

Foregoing their usual assembly point at Lenin Park, the demonstrators convened around Hoàn Kiếm Lake and the statue of King Lý Thái Tổ. 

Concurrently, overseas Vietnamese communities amplified the movement by organizing their own anti-China demonstrations in several countries. [58]

July 29

Taking to his personal blog, Nguyễn Xuân Diện reported that he had been summoned by the Kim Liên Ward Police in Đống Đa District, Hà Nội, concerning his involvement in the July 17 protest. [59] 

According to Diện, the investigators primarily focused on two issues. 

First, they questioned whether he had signed the complaint letter addressed to Police Director Nguyễn Đức Nhanh. Diện confirmed that he was the final signatory and had personally mailed the document. 

Second, they asked if he had witnessed the incident wherein a plainclothes officer kicked Nguyễn Chí Đức. Diện explained that while he had not witnessed the assault directly, he had watched the video and spoken personally with Đức; therefore, he firmly believed the incident occurred and stated he could serve as a witness.

Diện interpreted the interrogation as an indication that authorities genuinely intended to investigate the Nguyễn Chí Đức case and respond to public concerns. He notably added that the police did not question him about any leadership role within the demonstrations, stating: 

“If they had asked, I would have told them that nobody organized these protests. Everything was voluntary because people wanted to express their patriotism in a strong way. There was no organizer.” 

Concluding his update, Diện announced that unless China committed new acts of aggression, there would be no protest on July 31. Instead, participants planned to gather for coffee at Café 36B on Điện Biên Phủ Street.

July 31

Honoring their decision, protesters in Hà Nội took a one-week break. Participants explained that the demonstrations were suspended on the final Sunday of July so that “both we and the security forces can have a rest.” [60]

Instead of marching, approximately 100 people gathered at a café in Hà Nội to discuss the events of the July 24 protest and to coordinate future activities. 

Independent bloggers noted that a similar gathering occurred in Hồ Chí Minh City. 

During these meetings, many attendees reported facing post-protest harassment from authorities. 

Nguyễn Tiến Nam disclosed that the authorities had sent him warning letters and had placed him under security surveillance. 

Another participant, Lê Dũng, shared that he had been issued a police summons simply for signing the July 19 complaint letter directed at the Hà Nội Police Director.

August 2011

August 2

Hà Nội Police rejected allegations that officers had beaten or kicked protester Nguyễn Chí Đức during the July 17 demonstration. [61]

 Authorities maintained that security forces only intervened when protesters “intentionally gathered in large numbers, obstructed traffic, and disrupted public order.” 

According to the police, Đức’s own written statement indicated that nobody had beaten him; rather, there had only been pushing and shoving as he was placed on a bus. The police further claimed that Đức reported no injuries and initially declined a medical examination. 

When officers eventually took him for an evaluation, the examination allegedly concluded: 

“No injuries or physical damage were found on Nguyễn Chí Đức.”

Despite these denials, the director of Hà Nội Police temporarily suspended several involved officers for internal review and disciplinary evaluation.

On the same day, Hà Nội Police Director Nguyễn Đức Nhanh characterized the eight spontaneous anti-China demonstrations in the city as protests “of a patriotic nature.” [62] 

Nhanh stated that neither the city police nor higher authorities had any policy of “suppressing, repressing, or arresting participants in the demonstrations.” He reiterated that authorities only took action against individuals who intentionally gathered in large numbers, obstructed traffic, or threatened public order.

August 7 – The Ninth Protest

Following a one-week hiatus, the anti-China protest movement resumed. [63] Because previous police crackdowns had grown increasingly forceful, this demonstration was widely viewed as a test of the government’s current attitude. [64]

According to RFA, approximately 300 people participated, marching primarily through central streets and around Hoàn Kiếm Lake. [65] 

Alongside the usual banners and Vietnamese flags, many participants brought enlarged copies of newspaper articles featuring Nguyễn Đức Nhanh’s statement from Aug. 2. [66] These enlarged pages prominently displayed the headline: 

“No policy of suppressing patriotic protesters.”

Following Nhanh’s public reassurances, observers noted a shift in police behavior. Security forces focused primarily on directing traffic rather than obstructing the demonstrators, occasionally even preventing vehicles from entering areas around Hoàn Kiếm Lake while the march proceeded. 

Activist Nguyễn Ngọc Như Quỳnh, widely known as Mẹ Nấm, traveled all the way from Nha Trang to Hà Nội to participate. She observed: 

“The march only went around the lake, so security forces did nothing. They simply reminded people to stay on the sidewalks. There were many reform-minded people, intellectuals, and young participants.” [67]

To intentionally avoid conflict, the protesters stayed away from the Chinese Embassy. They chose instead to route their march past prominent landmarks, including the Hoàn Kiếm District Police headquarters, the Lý Thái Tổ monument, Đông Kinh Nghĩa Thục Square, and finally the Monument to Fallen Heroes.

August 9

China’s Ministry of National Defense announced a large-scale military exercise in Guangdong Province, located near northern Việt Nam. Seeking to downplay the event, Chinese authorities stated that the exercise was merely a routine annual activity and warned media outlets not to speculate about its significance. [68]

August 14 – The Tenth Protest

The tenth protest proceeded peacefully without any state suppression, attracting an even larger crowd than the previous week. [69] 

Following their established route, demonstrators gathered at the Lý Thái Tổ monument at approximately 8:30 a.m., marched around Hoàn Kiếm Lake, and concluded their rally at the Monument to Fallen Heroes around 11 a.m. 

This week, protesters introduced new slogans calling for the protection of “patriotic intellectuals” and “patriotic websites.” They also voiced opposition to China’s recent military exercises and urged the National Assembly to adopt a formal resolution regarding the South China Sea.

In contrast, demonstrations in Hồ Chí Minh City once again failed to materialize. Security forces significantly outnumbered the would-be protesters and successfully employed what participants described as a “divide and rule” strategy. [70]

Following the weekend’s events, Hà Nội authorities formally called on citizens to immediately cease participating in anti-China demonstrations. [71] 

Officials justified the ban by arguing that “forces hostile to the Vietnamese state, both inside and outside the country,” were inciting the protests. The state also claimed that these forces were exploiting the gatherings to oppose the Communist Party of Vietnam, disrupt social order, and damage diplomatic relations between Việt Nam and China, warning that “necessary measures” would be taken against anyone who ignored the directive.

Bloggers and protesters rejected the order. [72] In an interview with RFA, blogger Nguyễn Trí Thanh argued that the directive was unconstitutional and served as a deep insult to the patriotism of Vietnamese citizens. 

Vũ Quốc Ngữ, a regular protest participant, stated his intention to continue demonstrating because peaceful protest was not wrong, explaining: 

“Now people arrange to meet automatically without needing any websites. Once people know about it, they will continue to come.”

August 19

In a direct challenge to the ban, 25 prominent Vietnamese intellectuals submitted a petition to the Hà Nội People’s Committee. The document rejected the state’s accusations that protesters were connected to outside forces and condemned the prohibition on demonstrations as “unconstitutional.” [73]

August 21 – The Eleventh Protest

Despite the official ban, citizens in Hà Nội pushed forward with the eleventh anti-China protest. [74] 

Authorities, however, responded instantly. Reuters reported that police began detaining participants within minutes of the start of the demonstration. [75] 

Citing a participant, the news agency estimated that around 40 people were forced onto two buses; corroborating this, Nguyễn Xuân Diện noted that at least 19 individuals were loaded onto a single bus.

Similarly, VOA reported that approximately 50 protesters were detained during the event. [76] 

Relying on accounts from various foreign news organizations, VOA stated that while the majority of the detainees were later released, authorities kept several individuals in custody for questioning regarding allegations of disturbing public order and assaulting public officials.

Meanwhile, strict security measures made demonstrations in Hồ Chí Minh City entirely impossible. As a result, throughout the entirety of the 2011 anti-China protest movement, residents of Hồ Chí Minh City only succeeded in holding two demonstrations.

Phil Robertson of Human Rights Watch expressed concern over the arrests, stating:

“These protesters have done nothing wrong. Police should release them immediately and unconditionally.” [77]

The Fallout

August 23

The U.S. Embassy in Việt Nam expressed concern regarding the detention of peaceful protesters during the Aug. 21 demonstrations. [78] 

The embassy argued that the arrests violated international obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Việt Nam is a party. [79] 

In response, Vietnamese Foreign Ministry officials dismissed the statement, calling the position of the embassy inappropriate.

Domestically, An Ninh Thủ Đô, the official newspaper of the Hà Nội Police, confirmed that authorities had detained 47 protesters during the Aug. 21 demonstration. [80] While the majority were subsequently released, eight individuals remained in custody at the Hoàn Kiếm District Police headquarters.

August 25

At approximately 6 p.m., Hà Nội Police released the final three remaining detainees—Bùi Thị Minh Hằng, Đặng Bích Phượng, and Nguyễn Văn Dũng—from Hỏa Lò Detention Center No. 1. [81] 

Despite their release, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Nguyễn Phương Nga stated that investigations involving those individuals would continue.

After 11 consecutive weeks, the summer demonstrations against China officially concluded on Aug. 21, 2011. Yet the legacy of that summer did not simply end with the final marches around Hoàn Kiếm Lake, the lowering of red flags, or the silencing of slogans outside Chinese diplomatic missions. What endures in history is the moment when thousands of Vietnamese people—spanning intellectuals, students, and ordinary citizens—stood united by a shared concern for their nation.

During those months, patriotism ceased to be an abstract concept. It materialized in every step taken through the streets, every banner raised, every voice that grew hoarse from chanting, and even in the palpable fear that many participants courageously chose to overcome. 

Although the movement eventually dispersed, the summer of 2011 remains a significant historical milestone, representing one of the rare occasions when Vietnamese citizens collectively exercised the power of protest in a sustained and persistent manner. [82]

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Trường An wrote this article in Vietnamese and published it in Luật Khoa Magazine on June 11, 2026. Đàm Vĩnh Hằng translated it into English for The Vietnamese Magazine.